One of the great strengths of the British forces during the American rebellion was their ability to transfer the theatre of war at great speed. With clear naval dominance they could move their forces up and down the coast at will, unhindered by a non-existent American naval force, and only a minor French presence. This left the land born forces of General George Washington helpless to react. Just such a move was made by General Sir Henry Clinton who moved on the American southern flank in February 1780 and seized Charleston, South Carolina. By May virtually all resistance in the south was gone and Clinton left General Charles Cornwallis in charge, returning to New York.

Cornwallis was a ruthless leader who set about intensifying the southern campaign. He defeated General Horatio Gates at Camden in August, 1780, thereby opening up the way north. Cornwallis then continued in that direction to attack what he saw as the soft southern flank of Virginia. A battle ensued at Guildford Court, North Carolina, 15 March, 1781, with the American forces under the command of General Nathaniel Greene, it proved to be inconclusive. Continuing north Cornwallis found Greene snapping at his heals but eventually shook himself free, Greene returning to the Carolina’s. In Virginia Cornwallis consolidated his forces with those under the command of General William Phillips who had been sent to join the colonial traitor General Benedict Arnold. With his enhanced strength he occupied Richmond, Virginia, already defeated by Arnold in January, and forced Thomas Jefferson and the Virginia legislature to flee west into the Blue Ridge Mountains.

General Lafayette (Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette) had been sent south by Washington to contain Arnold and Cornwallis until reinforcements could arrive. Cornwallis abandoned Richmond to avoid a direct conflict, and continued to harass the British from a safe distance. Clearly Cornwallis looked down upon the twenty four year old Lafayette, who however proved to be a clever tactition. Learning of reinforcements from General Anthony Wayne had arrived from the north, and possibly overestimating their size, Cornwallis proceeded down the peninsula to Williamsburg to be closer to the British naval forces. Lafayette followed on his heals snapping at them when he could. Arriving in Williamsburg Cornwallis received word from Clinton requesting reinforcements be sent to New York to help resist a planned campaign by Washington. Shortly after dispatching them he received word rescinding the command and ordering him to make defenses, in particular for the safe protection and anchorage of the British fleet. Cornwallis disobeyed Clinton’s suggestion of Point Comfort, and upon the advise of his engineers chose to fortify Yorktown and Gloucester just across the river. What the British forces were not aware of was that Count de Grasse was en route with a substantial French naval fleet from the West Indies. To date the French naval presence had been of little or no use.

Yorktown

On hearing the news that de Grasse’s naval force was en route in August, Washington ordered Count de Barras’ fleet at anchor in Rhode Island to head south to join de Grasse. He also started south himself to join Lafayette. The stage was set for the final conflict. Admiral Sir Samuel Hood was dispatched with fourteen ships-of-the-line and reached the Chesapeake shortly before de Grasse. Finding no French ships he left for New York and met Admiral Samuel Graves with a further five ships. Graves being the senior officer took command and returned to the Chesapeake on the 31 August. The French meanwhile had arrived off of the Virginia Capes 26 August and made contact with Lafayette. Fresh troops were landed 2 September which reinforced Lafayette’s army to a degree where he could prevent any escape of Cornwallis. The naval battle off of the Chesapeake Capes on the 5 September 1781 brought to a head these naval movements. Whilst there was not a complete victory for the superior French forces, de Grasse was able to inflict severe damage to the British fleet and importantly occupy them enough to allow de Barras to slip safely into the Chesapeake on the 10 September. De Grasse followed the next day and on the 14 September Graves abandoned Virginia to return to New York for repairs. This left Cornwallis in a perilous position.

Meanwhile Washington’s forces reached the head of the Chesapeake and were transported south through the Bay completing the concentration of allied forces by 26 September. Cornwallis however had his chance to fight his way out and return to the Carolina’s but declined expecting Clinton to send him relief. Lacking the manpower to defend Yorktown at its natural advantages of the Yorktown and Wormley Creeks, Cornwallis was forced to defend at an inner line. Unfortunately the land was flat and offered little in the way of protection, particularly as he now lacked any naval support. The principal strong point was astride the road from Hampton. Forward of this position was a series of outworks which protected the half a mile of open ground in this direction.

The siege, often called the investment, of Yorktown began with a 5.00 a.m. march of Washington’s troops from Williamsburg to within one mile of Yorktown. Washington issued General Orders on the 6 October which governed the operations of the siege. On the 9 October the allied forces began their bombardment of Yorktown, one that would leave the town in ruins. The night of the 10 October saw the Charon making manoeuvres in the river and was fired upon by red hot shot from a French battery. A further three or four vessels were also destroyed, this further weakening Cornwallis’ position. Then all possible allied artillery directed their fire to Redoubts 9 and 10 (marked by the letters L and K on the map) which were to the south east of town on the inner line of trenches alongside the York River. These were attacked by both continental and French forces on the 14 October and were taken later that day. The night of the 16 October Cornwallis attempted to ferry his effectives across the river to Gloucester with a view to fight his way through the enemy lines there. Unfortunately he had insufficient boats and was beaten back by a severe storm.

On the 17 October the artillery began its heaviest bombardment against the town and by 10.00 a.m. a British officer was seen flying a flag of truce. He was taken blindfolded to the lines where his message of surrender was read. The British officer asked for 24 hours to work out the terms. On the morning of the 18 October, 1781, the two parties met and by the morning of the 19 October the surrender was formally signed. At 2.00 p.m. with full military formality the British formally surrendered. With this event the long and often frustrating battle for independence by the American colonies was won.

The map

This extremely rare large scale map of the situation at the battle of Yorktown was the first American map of the final battle of the Revolutionary war and is of near iconographic proportions. It is through this document that the American people were graphically informed of the final success of American Independence, the very birth of the nation. An American artillery officer under the command of General Henry Knox by the name of Major Sebastian Bauman began surveying the battlefield only three days after the surrender. It was completed by the 28 October and forwarded to Philadelphia where it was engraved by Robert Scot and published by subscription. Bauman was born in Germany in 1739, and was an engineer in the Austrian service, then came to New York where he served in the French and Indian wars. He served in various capacities during the Revolutionary war, including artillery commander at West Point. In 1781 he was third in command of Lamb’s artillery, which went to Yorktown. During the siege he was one of four officers directly in charge of the American batteries. After the war, and until his death in 1803, Bauman was the first federal postmaster in New York City.

Verner cites in his magnificent study of the Maps of the Yorktown Campaign 1780-1781 that there were a total of fourteen different printed maps of the siege of Yorktown. Of these he identified only four as prototypes; two British, one French and one American. Of the British the Joseph F. W. des Barres was not published until 4 June 1782 and was surveyed by a Captain Fage of the Royal Artillery. The William Faden was published 7 October 1785 after a survey ‘in the possession of Jno. Hills’ Lieutenant in the 23rd Regiment. The French map by Rapilly is undated and its source is unidentified, it bears similarities to the Faden. The Bauman map was announced in the 30 January 1782 New Jersey journal, as in preparation and would be issued shortly. Verner relates that in a letter to General McDougal, who responded to the prospectus, Bauman indicated that this was the first map ever done by the engraver. It is highly likely therefore that the Bauman is the earliest published accurate survey of the battle.

The main title is placed in a cartouche in the form of a partially unrolled sheet, top right corner. A list of references keyed by number to the map and referencing British forces is placed in the top left corner. An explanation cartouche, 110 x 270 mm., framed in plaster work and decorated with flags, cannons, cannonballs and instruments of war is shown lower centre. A lengthy explanation with letter references to the map is contained. ‘THIS PLAN was taken between the 22nd. & 28th. of October, 1781’. A Note is added in the lower left hand corner; ‘Note The Land within the doted lines has been laid down by Survey’. A scale of 1000 yds = 63 mm. (2.5 inches) is placed below the Explanation. Longitude and latitude are not shown. There is nothing on the reverse side.

The finished map was very professionally done and reflects, according to Harley, Petchenik & Towner a celebratory mood and ‘epitomizes martial glory in a cartographic idiom’. The map ‘shows British and American troop positions, British defenses, including those at Gloucester, fields of fire, the first and second parallels, the headquarters of Generals Washington and Rochambeau, the quarters of Generals Nelson, Lincoln, Lafayette, Knox, Steuben, Clinton, and various French officers, ships in the York river, and the field where the British laid down their arms.’ A lengthy explanation of the American and French siege operations is given by Bauman, who was one of the officers in command of the besieging batteries, representing the greatest concentration of artillery in any engagement during the revolution. His background explains the extensive references to the British artillery in the top left.

Manuscript copies

A manuscript copy of the printed map is in the library of Fort Monroe Virginia, with the title ‘to his E[xcellency] G[eneral] Washington commander in chief of the armies of the United States of America this plan of the investment of York and Goucester [sic] has been surveyed and laid down and is most humbly dedicated by his excellency’s obedient and very humble servant, Sebastian Bauman, Major of the New York or 2nd regiment of art. Waldschmidt 1782.’ A later finished coloured manuscript copy of the printed map is in the Clements Library. Its title is the same, except ‘…and very humble servand [sic] Sebastn. Bauman Major of the New York or 2nd regiment of Art.’ this copy is signed ‘Waldschmidt 1785.’ Bauman’s map was copied and issued under a different title in 1825, drawn by F. Renault and engraved by B. Tanner for presentation to the Marquis de Lafayette.

According to Guthorn, there are also three manuscript pencil drawings of a plan of Yorktown in Virginia located in the American Philosophical Society Library which are believed to have been done by Bauman. Their relationship to this printed map, if any, has not been determined.

States and surviving examples

Only a single edition and state of the printed map is recorded. Although this is not an exhaustive list, examples of the map are known to be in the Library of Congress (Rochambeau copy), the JCB, Yale, Winterthur Museum, Colonial Williamsburg, the French War Office, Maine Historical Society, Clements Library, New York Historical Society, New York Public Library, Library Company of Philadelphia, and three in private American collections. During our research we could only identify three examples that have appeared on the market in the last 40 years.

Provenance: This example was quite possibly a presentation copy from George Washington to Mrs Catherine Macaulay Graham, who corresponded with Washington and stayed with him for ten days in June, 1785. She had been in the United States since the spring of 1784. Catherine Macauley Graham (1731-1791) was the recipient of one of the greatest letters written in American history, that which Washington had written her on 9 January 1790, the day after delivering his First Annual Message to Congress. In this he thanks her ‘for your congratulatory sentiments on the event which has placed me at the head of the American Government’ and famously remarks: ‘in our progress towards political happiness my station is new; and, if I may use the expression, I walk on untrodden ground. There is scarcely any part of my conduct wch may not hereafter be drawn into precedent’. Macauley Graham was a noted historian, feminist, educationalist and champion of American liberty and was described by Mary Woostonecraft as ‘the woman of greatest abilities that this country ever produced’.

References: Boatner (1966); Drepperd (1930) 60; Fite & Freeman (1926) pp. 287-8; Guthorn (1966) 19;Nebenzahl (1974) pp. 182-4, no. 48; Phillips (1901) 1133; Sellers & Van Ee (1981) p. 318, no. 1471; Stauffer (1907) 2870; Stokes & Haskell (1933) 57-58; ‘Magazine of American History’, 6, [54] (Reproduction), New York and Chicago, 1881; Prints, Maps and Drawings 1677-1822, A Massachusetts Historical Society Picture Book, # 21, (Reproduction), Mass. Historical Society, Boston, 1957; Verner (1965) pp. 52-3, xxvi no. 7; Vietor, A.O., ‘Yale University Library Gazette’, Oct., 1946, 21:15; ‘Virginia Magazine of History’, 39:104a (1931); Wheat & Brun (1978) p. 118, no. 541; Wroth, Lawrence C., John Carter Brown Annual Reports, 1901-1966, 8 vols., Providence: The John Carter Brown Library, Brown University and the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 1972, (vol. 4, 1948) 44-46, (vol. 5, 1951) 46-47.