This extraordinary suite of manuscript maps is a work of supreme national importance. Created for Queen Mary I of England in 1558, the maps represent the most important discovery in Tudor cartography since the appearance of the Nowell map in 1982 and completely rewrites our understanding of mapmaking skills during this period. The four maps comprise the first reasonably accurate representations of the constituent parts of the British Isles, pre-dating the Gerard Mercator wall map of 1564, which had previously held this distinction, and often utilizing more advanced information than was known to him. On their own, each of the four maps is of exceptional cartographic importance and represent magnificent examples of Tudor visual culture, including the first separate map of Scotland, the first detailed separate map of Ireland, one of the earliest separate maps of England and Wales, and the first to present Cardigan Bay. Viewed as a whole, they represent the most important set of British maps produced during the Tudor reign and the first comprehensive mapping of the British Isles.

The maps extra-illustrate an example of Polydore Vergil’s ‘Anglicae Historiae’, 1555, elaborately bound by the so-called ‘Medallion Binder’ for the Queen, with her coat of arms. Together, the book and its maps are perhaps the most significant artifact of Tudor intellectual history still in private hands, equal to such monuments of royal cartographic patronage as King Henry VIII’s Map (Cotton MS Augustus I i 9) and the Queen Mary Atlas (Add MS 5415 A) in the British Library.

The marriage of the maps with Vergil’s text is no doubt intentional. While his chronicle traces England’s story from the ancient history through the turbulent reign of Henry VIII, and supports Mary’s legitimate claim to the throne, the maps present a contemporary visual declaration of the crown’s sphere of interest. Following the break from Rome under Henry VIII, England worked to develop a national identity, an issue the text fully portrays. By presenting each region as an individual subject rather than parts of a unified whole, the maps suggest the nascent idea of an incremental and expanding English dominion. This volume therefore captures a critical period in Tudor territorial consciousness before attention turned decisively outward in the Elizabethan era.

The aggregation of royal provenance, groundbreaking cartography, and national historical narrative, makes this an artifact of foundational importance to British identity. Together, the text and maps offer an unprecedented window into how England’s first queen regnant understood the British Isles in 1558. Within months Mary had died, and it was left to her half-sister Elizabeth to take the country over that threshold and onto the world stage.

THE QUEEN MARY MANUSCRIPT MAPS

Bound before Vergil’s text are four previously unrecorded illuminated manuscript double-page maps of England and Wales, Ireland, Scotland (bearing a date of 1558), and France. Highlighted in gold and silver, each map displays exceptional artistry, befitting its royal patron, combining cartographic precision with the finest 16th-century European decorative arts. They demonstrate the work of a master draftsman at the height of his powers. Far exceeding mere territorial surveys, these are presentation pieces of the highest order, created to grace a queen’s library.

These newly discovered maps are or considerable historical importance. They are the first collection of maps printed or manuscript of all the parts of the British Isles. The very first separate map of Scotland, and a large advance on the previous cartographic knowledge of Ireland and Wales. Indeed, the Laurence Nowell map of England, Wales, and Ireland dated to c.1564, which the British Library acquired in 1982, was at the time considered “one of the most important carto-graphic purchases ever made by the library” (Barber, 1983). These maps include Scotland and push that timeline further back to 1558 and can justly claim to be the first modern accurate maps of the British Isles.

All apparently executed by the same contemporary hand to a very high standard and on paper a similar size to the book which was likely by design. The guards with which these maps are bound in the book are later wove paper. The endpapers with bookplate pasted on, are also wove paper. It is concluded that when the book was rebound sometime in the early 1800s these maps were inserted between a ‘new’ endpaper and the existing title page. There is no evidence in the book of them having been bound in any other location. We can also state that the binding order of the maps was changed when rebound later. There are wax marks on the England map near the Galloway peninsula upper left. These have bled through to the verso and subsequently onto the verso of the right half of Ireland. We can therefore state that at some point, most likely at its original binding, the map of Ireland was bound before that of England and Wales. In what order the remaining two were bound is not determined.

The maps bear little content with a military or defensive purpose or for that matter any ecclesiastical one. The content is more geographical with the expected regional identities. It is interesting to note that only Scotland and Ireland were intended to contain any textual content. The map of Scotland is dated 1558 and there is no reason therefore to assume that the maps date from any later period. In 1558 England was still using the Julian calendar which meant that the year would have commenced on the 25 March 1558. This would be the case until the modern Gregorian calendar was adopted in 1752. As Queen Mary died on 17 November 1558, the window for the completion of the Scottish map at least is quite narrow.

MEDIEVAL MAPPING

Shirley identified four main streams of influence on medieval cartography. Ptolemaic mapping was derived from the ‘Geographia’, dating to c.160 AD. Similarly ancient is the Roman concept of Itineraries or road maps. The two main medieval formats were maritime portolan charts dating back to the 13th century and terrestrial mapping. Early portolan charts were produced initially in Italy and therefore centred on the Mediterranean Sea and only a few extended to include the British Isles.

Many of the earliest printed maps of the British Isles were de-rived from Ptolemaic cartography. The first printed edition appeared in Bologna, Italy, in 1477. Gradually acceptance of their inaccuracy encouraged the inclusion of more ‘modern’ maps in further editions. The first of the British Isles was produced by Martin Waldseemuller in Strasbourg in his edition of 1513. A clear link with contemporary portolan charts can be made and it is still devoid of topographical detail and accuracy.

KING HENRY VIII’s MAP

One of the most famous early Tudor manuscript maps resides in the Cotton Collection at the British Library. By an unknown mapmaker it is often referred to by its title ‘Angliae Figura’ or simply as King Henry VIII’s map and can only be dated to be-tween 1534 and 1546. It is the first non-Ptolemaic map of the British Isles to include longitude and latitude figures. It contains extensive topographical detail, especially along the south and east coastlines, but it is fundamentally a descendant of the Gough map. Whilst it rejects an insular or east-west orientated Scotland, it remains sketchy as does the cartography of Ireland.

Under the reign of Henry VIII, mapmakers domestic and foreign flourished thanks to increased government interest in maps for administrative, defence, and propaganda purposes. From the 1530s, the English Crown instigated a massive coastal survey. By the 1550s, the nobility and educated classes alike had an increased sense of map consciousness and maps were appearing more in manuscript and in print.

Inventories of Henry VIII’s possessions in 1542, 1547, and 1549 refer to several maps of England. Many of these are most likely advances in cartography that have been lost to posterity (Barber).

GEORGE LILY. 1546

The first printed ‘modern’ map of the British Isles was produced by George Lily in exile in Rome. It was printed to ac-company Bishop Paolo Giovio’s ‘Descriptio Britanniae’, published in Venice 1548. Fundamentally it was derived from the Gough map, although it also drew upon more recent sources including Sebastian Munster’s woodcut map of 1540. Cartographic activity was reaching new heights, but despite its advances, the depiction of the British Isles was not fundamentally improved. Indeed, Barber states that “There can be little doubt that dissatisfaction with the Lily map led to government support for the renewed, systematic mapping of England and Wales under Philip and Mary” (Barber, 2007).

LAURENCE NOWELL. c.1564

The map of England, Wales, and Ireland by Laurence Nowell was acquired by the British Library in 1982 and pro-claimed, ‘of enormous historical importance, being the first accurate and detailed map of England, Wales, Ireland and parts of Scotland to survive from the Tudor period’. This claim can now be made by the four Queen Mary manuscripts bound here. The Nowell is believed to have been drawn from a larger map made for Burghley which is thought the basis for Gerard Mercator’s 1564 wall map.

GERARD MERCATOR. 1564

The eight sheet wall map of the British Isles by Gerard Mercator was published in Duisburg in 1564. It provided such an advance in cartography that its possible source has been discussed frequently. It is particularly curious considering that Mercator did not name the source beyond stating that ‘a distinguished friend sent Mercator from England a map of the British Isles, which he had compiled with immense industry and the utmost accuracy, with a request that he should engrave it’. Nor did Abraham Ortelius who based his 1570 map on it and is renowned for identifying his sources. Barber stated that it is ‘difficult to avoid the conclusion that Mercator’s work is largely derived from a survey undertaken by Elder and Rudd’.

THE FOUR QUEEN MARY MANUSCRIPT MAPS

Each of the four maps bears a running title outside the upper border, their titles and dimensions are as follows: ‘Anglia’ (267 x 360 mm.), ‘Hibernia’ (263 x 277 mm.), ‘Scotia’ (264 x 362 mm.), and ‘Gallia Belgica’ (263 x 360 mm.). They also bear titles to the verso. Each map is framed in a double ruled border, the sides of which contain degrees of latitude. The maps are all on the same laid paper with a one-handled pot surmounted by a crown and fleur-de-lis watermark which according to Briquet was popular in France in the mid-16th century.

England and Wales are defined in green, Scotland in brown, and Ireland in pink. They bear placenames in black ink which appear to be by two different hands. The script appears to be a blend of traditional with a slight influence of italic. The hills and mountains are in brown highlighted with gold, and the seas coloured in blue bear a distinctive wave pattern. These are all cartographic features reminiscent of imported Italian styles as seen in the works of Giacomo Gastaldi (c.1500-66). The cartouche scrollwork is a relatively recent development, most widely popularized by Gerard Mercator, and seen as early in 1538 on his extremely rare world map.

The major towns and cities are depicted pictorially with a low oblique perspective reminiscent of Renaissance art, each coloured in red and gold except for Stafford, Worcester, and Colchester which remain uncoloured. Silver is used to illustrate rivers and lakes reminiscent of the reflective qualities of water. Forests are also identified with a series of shapes reminiscent of vertical stones. The seas are adorned with numerous coloured ships, some with gold highlights, and sea creatures. Appropriately coloured coats of arms and flags are also highlighted in gold. The maps all bear latitude markers in the side borders but have no prime meridians and no scales. The projection however appears to be trapezoidal.

The first thing to note about these maps is that they reflect English beliefs about its claims and ambitions. The Middle Ages were a period in which the terms ‘England’ and ‘Britannia’ were conflated. Henry VIII believed in English suzerainty over Scotland and Ireland which were still not under English control. Although Wales had been conquered by Edward I in the late 13th century, it was not until the reign of Henry VIII that it had been incorporated with England. The map of northern France reflects England’s historical hold over portions of France since William the Conqueror in the 11th century. Scotland had been in the eye of the English throne since Edward I in the 13th century. Ireland was under the control of the Norman’s from the late 12th century and although control waned over the years, it was re-ignited by Henry VIII who altered the lordship system to one in which he was proclaimed King of Ireland in 1541.

The denoting of the crowns in each is also politically significant. That of England and Wales is a closed imperial crown denoting a full sovereign monarch. The same is found on the map of Ireland reflecting Henry VIII’s declaration as King of Ireland in 1541. Scotland however is adorned with an open crown or coronet denoting feudatory status. The same interestingly is found above the fleur-de-lis of France.

‘ANGLIA’ (England)

The ‘Anglia’ is so far advanced that at first glance you would be hard pressed to identify any inconsistencies in outline. The Cornish peninsula is the most obvious, protruding too far west and at a more west-south-westerly angle rather than south-westerly. The title refers to Anglia only, with no reference to Wales. Indeed, like King Henry’s ‘Anglia Figura’, England and Wales are coloured as one. This is likely a reflection of the Welsh Tudor monarchy and the recent legislation bringing Wales under the same political umbrella. Very few earlier maps presented England and Wales as a distinct cartographic subject. Scotland is defined in another colour, but the green of England runs further north than Berwick reflecting land acquired during the largely unsuccessful ‘Rough Wooing’ of the late 1540s. Berwick on the border is placed north of 56 degrees latitude when in fact it is below it. The tip of Cornwall is similarly placed a little too far north. The north-south axis is a considerable improvement over the 1546 Lily map although hinted at in the Cotton manuscript. Northern England bears a more correct lean for the first time.

The northeast coast is much improved as are the coastlines of Lincolnshire, East Anglia and the River Thames estuary. As might be expected the southeast if well-known due to the long-term defensive requirements of the region from continental forces. Indeed, the only bridges shown on the map are at Rochester and Canterbury, not London, reflecting the importance of the historical route to the continent. The southwest as discussed still requires improvement, its orientation was not corrected for some time yet. Wales is discussed below. The Isle of Man (MANIA) is displayed on a north south axis as shown on earlier and later maps. On the northwest coast Morecombe Bay is improved as is the coastal profile of the Lake District. Detail in the midlands is weak reflecting the lack of internal cartographic knowledge at the time. For instance, Birmingham is not shown. John Leland reported in 1538 a population of 1,500 people and trade occurring all over England.

The nearby continental coastline bears three flags reflecting territorial possession. The fleur-de-lis of France sits over ‘Bullon’ (Boulogne), which was returned to France at the Treaty of Boulogne in 1550. The English flag sits over Calais which it had held since 1347. The cross of Burgundy flies over Gravelines which they would hold in a battle on 13 July 1558. The flag was used by Habsburg Spain under King Philip II of Spain, Queen Mary’s husband. Calais however was famously lost in January 1557/58 and marked the end of any English possessions on the continent that had been gained in the Hundred Years War. Its loss was an enormous psychological shock.

The English portion of the map bears no obvious ancient or ecclesiastical content. Only a few counties are named, ‘comberlande’ and westmo’ in the northwest, ‘Cornubia’, ‘Devonia’, and ‘Hapton’ in the south and west. Apart from Berkshire the remaining named counties are in the southeast and east. Suffolk is notably mistakenly named Sussex. The focus appears more on the towns and cities. A total of 235 placenames are identified in England along with several un-named locations. The seas are adorned with images of balinger ships of war and a brigantine off the north coast of Cornwall, and the Arms of Queen Mary I. There is a distinct similarity in outline to the later Nowell map. Now-ell does improve on the latitudinal accuracy. When comparing this map to the Mercator wall map of 1564, the main difference is Mercator’s inferior depiction of northern England which is decidedly shorter than it should be. This is especially visible when looking at the proportion of the northeast coast.

The biggest cartographic advance here is the first known depiction of Cardigan Bay and the Llyn Peninsula. The latter is even more advance than the Humphrey Lhuyd printed map of Wales in 1573. Wales is here called ‘Vallia’. North Wales is named but there is no ‘South’ Wales. There is no defined border between England and Wales, most likely reflecting Henry VIII’s passing of the Laws in Wales Act in 1535 which incorporated the country into England, and the Welsh origin of the Tudor’s themselves. That same act converted the remaining Marcher Lordships into the counties of Brecknock, Denbigh, Montgomery, Monmouth, and Radnor. The original eight counties had, by then, already been in existence since at least the 13th century. Though the counties are not indicated, the similarly named principal towns are. In total there are 57 placenames and 3 unnamed locations.

The origin of much of this advanced cartography Barber suggests might be due to Henry Tudor (1485-1509). He was born at Pembroke Castle. He returned from exile in 1485, landing at Milford Haven, and defeated Richard III at the Battle of Bosworth on 22 August 1485 to become the first Tudor monarch, Henry VII. Barber goes on to record that a ‘survey’ was commissioned in February 1539 by Thomas Cromwell from Lord Ferrers (c.1500-79). Cromwell cited the region as one where fortifications should be made which no doubt increased geographical awareness of the area.

‘Milford’ is named on the Lily map of 1546 but defined simply. Here it is named ‘milford ha=ven’ and bears a defined river network inland. The Gower peninsula previously displayed as an island is here more accurately a peninsula although not as defined as it should be. To the north, Anglesey is considerably improved over all earlier depictions which had placed it off the north shore of Wales. Nearby a scarcely smaller Prestholm (Puffin Island) had always been placed. Here it is much better illustrated as a small island off the coast of Anglesey. The Llandudno peninsula had previously been obscured by Anglesey but is here beginning to make an appearance. In comparison the Laurence Nowell manuscript of c.1564 illustrates Wales on a smaller scale and lacks the definition found here. Indeed ‘prestholme is much larger.

North identified 15 placenames on Mercator’s wall map of 1564 in Wales which do not appear on any earlier map. An examination of this manuscript for the 15 which he listed shows that they are not present here either. Wales is depicted here with toponym content unlike any prior or post map we can identify. There are similarities to the later Nowell, but the scale and detail of this map allow for more detail to be depicted.

‘HIBERNIA’ (Ireland)

Andrews stated that early mapping of the British Isles often dismissed Ireland as inconsequential. Indeed, it is omitted entirely from the Gough map of c.1360. The mapping of Ireland suffered due to a lack of any central power. The country was made up of a region around Dublin known as the Pale in which several Englishman lived, the remainder of the island was divided amongst dozens of regional chiefs who were constantly waging war against each other. A surveyor-general was first appointed in 1548 who it was presumed produced little improvement over existing knowledge. Andrews states that it wasn’t until Sir William Cecil, Lord Burghley, in the reign of Elizabeth I, that any real attention was placed on the mapping of Ireland. Our map clearly now disproves that. An idea of how inferior the mapping was is provided in the Cotton collection dating from the c.1528.

Following the defeat of the Earl of Kildare in 1534, Henry VIII increased military presence in Ireland. Amongst the officers was a master of the ordnance John Travers. A letter reports that he may well have provided a map of the ports and harbours in 1543 (Lord Deputy and council to Henry VIII, 15 May 1543, in ‘State Papers’, 3:458-59). Andrews cites only one other map of Ireland prior to 1560, a sketch map at the National Archives, Kew, dating to c.1558. A comparison with Queen Mary’s map clearly shows this to be inferior and with a different hand and toponyms. To this can be added an earlier portolan chart by Grazioso Benincasa (1400-82) which appeared at Christie’s, London, as part of an atlas in November 2014. It is the earliest separate map of Ireland known.

This map of Ireland provides a fourth pre-1560 map of Ireland and one which is considerably advanced for the period. Here we find the traditional five provinces named: ‘Ultonia’ (Ulster), ‘Mindia’ (Mide), ‘Laginia’ (Leinster), Momonia’ (Munster), and ‘Connacgia’ (Connacht). Like the remaining maps in the series, none have county boundaries marked. There is a total of 131 toponyms. The overall shape of Ireland is considerably in advance of anything before it. The north easterly trend of the northeast coast is not as sharp as reality but a clear reflection. The north and west coasts are improved but not as accurate. The southwest however is much improved. The south westerly trend of the southern coast is again not as pronounced. The river network and loughs are also clearly recognisable.

It is interesting to compare it with the later maps of Mercator, 1564, and Nowell c.1564. It appears to be noticeably more advanced than the Mercator, especially in the northwest and southwest. The Nowell bears many similarities of both coastal and waterway features. The toponyms vary in spelling and the Nowell includes the tribal names in red, probably a reflection of Sir William Cecil’s interest in its political make up. Upper left is the traditional Irish coat of arms bearing a harp. On the Nowell the English arms are in its place delineated incorrectly. The various quarters are illustrated in reverse and then coloured so that the traditional blue background of the fleur-de-lis bears the red background intended for the three lions. The Irish map is approximately the correct latitudinal height albeit the whole is about a quarter of a degree too far north.

The glaring question arising from this map is the why a blank cartouche to the left. The Scottish maps bore keys or descriptive text. No key would appear to be required, so it is a fair assumption that some form of description was intended. This might well relate to the Catholic Queen Mary’s initiating a policy of Plantations in Ireland. The struggle with the clans in the first two situated to the west of Dublin would take time. Not until 1563 were grants of land finally made.

The policy was intended to control and anglicise the region. The first in 1556 were in Queen’s County (now Laois) and King’s County (now Offaly) directly west of the Pale around Dublin. This area was controlled by the O’Moores and the O’Connors who traditionally raided the English ruled area around Dublin. The settlements were built around existing frontier forts. These were renamed Philipstown (now Daingean) and Maryborough (now Portlaoise). They are marked with dots on the map but lack names. It is feasible that the blank cartouche was intended to inform of the new settlements.

What interrupted its completion? The Scottish map is dated 1558 indicating that it was completed following the new year which in the pre-Gregorian calendar fell on the 25 March 1558. Queen Mary’s health began to deteriorate at the end of summer from a fever induced it is believed, by the influenza sweeping the country at the time. That might have hastened a completion of the book. She would die on 17 November 1558.

A likely individual behind the advance of the cartographic knowledge was Thomas Radcliffe, 3rd Earl of Sussex (1526/7-83). Styled Lord Fitzwalter from 1542, he was named governor of Ireland in 1556. Ireland had become of primary interest to the crown and a frontier for enterprising men. Andrews refers to Sussex’s interest in cartography.

‘SCOTIA’ (Scotland)

Until the discovery of this map the two earliest known separate maps of Scotland were a manuscript by Laurence Nowell produced between 1561 and 1566, and a printed map by Paulo Forlani c.1566. Leading up to Queen Mary’s reign, the best manuscript surviving is the Henry VIII map entitled ‘Angliae Figura’ dating from 1534-46. Its outline of Scotland is poor and bears few toponyms. The next improvement in the mapping of Scotland appeared in George Lily’s map of the British Isles published in Rome, 1546. This map survives in just 15 known examples. Paolo Forlani’s map of Scotland alone dated to c.1566 is drawn from the Lily. Until the discovery of this manuscript, it was the earliest separate map of Scotland known.

This manuscript offers a significant advance in cartography over the Lily. It has a more recognisable westward tilt. The northern portion of England is coloured in green and displays her possession of ‘fast’ at the time. Henry VIII captured it in 1547 during the ‘Rough Wooing’ that year. By 1566 at the latest it was back in Scottish hands. It displays a much more accurate east coast of Scotland running from the northwest to southeast. On the Lily it ran north-south. The entire east coast, especially to present day Peterhead and Banff, is a major improvement. The Orkneys are much improved and even bear their own key identifying the names of 17 of the island’s. The only named place on the islands is ‘kirkwall’, no doubt prominent considering the naval battle undertake by Sir John Clere (1511?-57) and Admiral William Woodhouse in the Orkneys in August 1557. Clere died whilst attempting to destroy Kirkwall town.

The Shetlands are included in the map by moving them further south and themselves have an unkeyed legend beneath with 20 names. A reference below to the rocky nature of the location is followed by the date 1558. The latitude of the northern coast of mainland Scotland is correct at 59 degrees unlike the first printed map by Paolo Forlani (1561-66) which places it a little below 61 degrees. Whilst the western islands are not perfect, the resemblance can be recognised unlike those on the Lily map before it. The nearby Latin legend reads “The islands situated in this sea, although they are distinguished by their own names, are commonly referred to by authors under one name Hebrides, or the Ebonic Isles. According to Pliny, they belong to Britain and are called by the Scots The Western Isles’. Pliny the Elder’s (AD 23/4-79) description is from the encyclopaedic ‘Naturalis Historia’ written AD 77-79. The Firth of Clyde is also considerably improved over earlier works. The Isle of Arran is still rotated incorrectly but Galloway and its peninsula are more accurately rendered. In total there are 185 placenames in Scotland.

There are two likely sources for the advanced cartography: Alexander Lindsay and John Elder. King James V (1512-43) of Scotland came to the throne at just seventeen months old. Once he attained personal rule, he set about strengthening his control. One of his early key successes was subduing the Border rebels and the chiefs in the Western Isles. In 1540 he set sail from Leith in the ‘Salamander’ accompanied by a fleet of ships up the east coast of Scotland. The chief Pilot was Alexander Lindsay. The main purpose was to be seen, hold various courts, and cement his control over the regions. Heading north he arrived in Kirkwall in the Orkney’s before sailing down the western side through the Hebridean Islands finishing at Dumbarton on the Clyde. Lindsay produced a ‘Rutter of the Scottish Seas’ at the time which contained about 200 items of navigational detail. The data contained has been shown to be remarkably accurate. It was to be the source for Nicolas Nicolay’s ‘La Navigation du Roy d’Ecosse’ published in Paris in 1583 and accompanied by a map. There is a manuscript copy dated to 1560 in the British Library (Harleian 3996) which refers to an accompanying chart. When the manuscript became part of the Harleian collection the map was not present.

Another potential source of the cartography is John Elder who was familiar with the western isles and was a clerk to the court of King James V of Scotland. By 1543 he had converted to Protestantism and went into exile in England. It is recorded that John Elder presented a now lost map of Scotland to Henry VIII in 1543. He writes that it recorded all the ‘notable townes, castels, and abbeis …’. By 1555 he was a tutor to Henry Stewert, Lord Darnley, and had converted back to Catholicism.

In conclusion this can not only claim to be the first separate map of Scotland, predating the previous claim of the Forlani and Laurence Nowell. But also, a significant advance in the cartography of the country which would not be surpassed for decades.

‘GALLIA’ (Northern France)

Northern France had been of critical importance to England for a long time. The Norman invasion and the Hundred Years War with France gave England several territories on the region. Queen Mary’s husband Philip II was also fighting to gain territory in Picardy. In August 1557 his troops marched towards Noyon with the hope of capturing victuals. Noy-on is clearly identified on the map as being under Spanish control, news of which didn’t reach England until September 1557 providing an earliest possible date for this map. It is with this in mind that a map of the area is included with the other maps to display the theatres of interest at the time. As with the ‘Anglia’ map the same three different flags sit on Boulogne, Calais, and Gravelines. The advanced borders of Philip II into Picardy are coloured extending beyond the present-day cities of Arras and Saint-Quentin towards Paris.

It has been noted that there are two Tournai’s depicted in Picardy. It is in reality situated in between the two, directly east of Lille. The English flag also flies over ‘Guernesay’ and ‘Jersay’. In the extreme lower right corner room is made to include ‘Lugdunum’ (Lyon), a major regional capital.

POLYDORE VERGIL

The ‘Anglicae Historiae’ was written by Polydore Vergil (c.1470-1555) and it is his most famous work. Vergil was born into a scholarly family most likely near Urbino, Italy, and attended the University of Padua. He entered the service of Pope Alexander VI in 1502 after having already written two works. He was chosen to represent the Pope’s interests in England collecting ‘Peter’s Pence’ or contributions made directly to the Holy See. He arrived in 1502 at the court of Henry VIII which was at the time keen on all things Italian. He was encouraged by the king in his endeavour to record the history of England. Vergil returned to Italy in 1512 after having his right to collect ‘Peter’s Pence’ rescinded. The first manuscript version covering the period to 1513 survives today in the Vatican Library. In 1515 he returned to England at the behest of Henry VIII.

The work was first published in Basel in 1534 by Johann Bebel (fl.c.1520-40), however, it concluded in 1509, the year in which Henry VII died. He drew upon several sources and critically pieced his work together, some of which used methods we would not consider today. Working under the realm of the Tudor’s it is only natural maybe that he showed a distinct bias against Richard III. Vergil managed to stay out of the religious upheavals that ensued in England. A second revised edition was published by Michael Isengrin (1500-57) in Basel, 1546. Isengrin had married Johann Bebel’s daughter. He published many classical texts in his lifetime. This is a third expanded edition published in 1555 which included a section on Henry VIII. Vergil wrote in the Proem to the twenty-seventh chapter “It is very difficult not to bring to completion something you began with high hopes.” Henry VIII had died 28 January 1547.

The ‘Anglicae Historiae’ stands as one of the few early histories of England along with the earlier Anglo-Saxon Chronicles such as the Venerable Bede, completed c.731. Vergil’s work is considered the beginning of modern historiography. Denys Hay states “The ‘Anglica Historia’ offers, in fact, some evidence for crediting Vergil with an integrity at least above the average. His sympathies with the old religion are not hidden in it, and his loyalty to Katherine of Aragon is equally clear. True, he prudently avoided publishing the last book (covering the years 1509-37) until Mary Tudor was on the throne, when it became not merely permissible but politic to praise her mother.”

In this expanded edition he supported the Tudor hold on power but at the same time it was not sympathetic to Henry VIII’s reign. The penultimate page cites Katherine of Aragon’s famous deathbed letter to Henry, in which she forgives him and beseeches him to take care of Mary and do right by her. It is the first known publication of the letter. Vergil’s work is a masterful synthesis of English history as seen from a Catholic perspective. It is one of the most important secular works known to have been in her possession.

Vergil is believed to have left England in 1553. His last known letter is one of congratulation to Mary I upon her accession to the English throne dated 5 August 1553 (BL Harley MS 6989, fol. 149). Mary had been proclaimed Queen on 19 July. Vergil died at Urbino, Italy, 18 April 1555. The book became a source for the contemporary historian Edward Hall’s ‘The Union of the Two Noble and Illustre Families of Lancaster and York’, published in London 1550. Likewise, Raphael Holinshed’s ‘Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland’, 1577. It has also been shown that it had a direct influence on William Shakespeare’s ‘Henry VIII’, first performed in 1613.

QUEEN MARY’S LIBRARY

Katherine of Aragon was determined to imbue her daughter Mary with an education as good as any royal in Europe could receive. The Catholic historian Peter Leech has stated that by the age of nine, her skills in “Latin, Greek, French, classics and music were celebrated at court”. He goes on to state “A small but nevertheless significant number of books and manuscripts surviving today in several British archival sources display features which suggest that over the years Mary was an erudite individual for whom the accumulation of a small personal library would be second nature.”

Most of the identified books in her library were theological in nature. The few secular works reflected her interest in supporting the validity of her mother’s marriage to Henry VIII. The best known in this regard are the Acts of the first Marian parliament printed by John Cawood in 1554 and bound by the King Edward and Queen Mary Binder.

One work that Mary had especially printed was the 1553 edition of Juan Gines de Sepulveda’s treatise on divorce. Birrell states that it was “originally printed in Rome in 1531, Mary had John Cawood reprint the text in 1553; the book supported Katherine of Aragon’s marriage to Henry VIII: Queen Mary had come to the throne only four months previously and the book had obviously been published in haste at the royal command – for the sole reason that Sepulveda was the continental canonist who had defended most vigorously the rights of Katherine of Aragon in the divorce proceedings … It may be that Queen Mary died with ‘Calais’ on her heart, but what always lay on her heart was the divorce of her mother and her own degradation to the status of a royal bastard by the act of an English parliament.”

Vergil’s book was a supporter not only of the Tudor’s claim to the throne, but also Queen Mary’s attempts to take England back into the Catholic fold. As such it would have been a desired book in Queen Mary’s library and can claim to be one of the most important secular works in her possession. Schutte states that many of her books “were highly illustrated and illuminated, and many others were gorgeously bound, suggesting that Mary was interested in books not only for their words, but also for their beauty.”

Like many royal libraries much of it was dispersed following her death and assigning books to the library is fraught with difficulties. However, several works such as this one bear armorial bindings. Some of the more notable examples include “a fifteenth-century Book of Hours (Sloane MS 2565) bound with Mary’s coat of arms and initials MR, as well as a presentation copy of a theological treatise by the Catholic propagandist Myles Hogarde (Harley MS 3444) which also carries her arms and initials. According to Valerie Schutte, the same library also has eight printed works carrying provenance evidence relating to Mary, six of which had evidently been bound for her. Schutte also notes four books in the library of Lambeth Palace which may have been owned by Mary, although only two of them are bound with her arms (Lippomano’s ‘Vitarum Sanctorum’ (Venice, 1554) and Saxonia’s ‘Vita Christi’ (Paris, 1534). The Royal Collection also apparently owns copy of a translation of Plutarch’s ‘Bioi Paralleloi’ (Basel, 1553) bound with Mary’s arms signifying, according to Rosalind Marshall, Mary’s ownership.” (Leech).

THE ‘MEDALLION BINDER’

The fine Tudor binding has been carefully preserved by retaining the original sixteenth century boards and gilt tooled leather. The book was rebacked c.1800 by Francis Fortescue Turville (1752-1839) whose bookplate is pasted inside the upper cover. As the spine was renewed, so were the edges of both boards, the leather being fed underneath that of the original.

Most of the finest bound books surviving from the Tudor period came from royal libraries. Nixon stated that the majority of early sixteenth century gold-tooled bindings were either for royal libraries or for presentation to the royal family. Barker described them as “among the masterpieces of major binders or workshops, and important documents of the history of the craft.” Amongst the binders were the ‘Greenwich Binder’ known for being partial to white-goatskin leather bindings, and the so called ‘King Edward VI and Queen Mary Binder’ (fl.1530-c.1558). Schutte identifies 14 extant books bound by the latter for Queen Mary, 12 of which are religious texts in nature. Indeed, most of the books identified with her were bound by him. Whilst we may not be able to identify the names of these binders, their work can be identified by analysis of tool marks and practices.

Tool marks can be a particularly useful tool to identifying the binder with the caveat that they might be passed on or sold. At least two books identified match the features found here. The gilt roll-tooled borders on the binding are identical to that found on an example of Eusebius Pamphili, ‘Evangelicae praeparationes’, Paris, 1544, bound for Edward VI found in the library of St John’s College, Oxford (Bodleian Library. 1968. p. 40, item 65, plate XVII). It is attributed to the so-called ‘Medallion Binder’ who worked from the end of King Henry VIII’s reign through to the early years of Queen Elizabeth I, and who evidently produced bindings for the four monarchs who reigned during this period. He was so-called by Geoffrey Hobson because of his use of the medallions of Plato and Dido.

A second work identified is a manuscript in the Royal Collection at Windsor Castle entitled ‘The Kynges Revenues Anno Quinto Regis Edwardi Sexti’, 1552 (Holmes B 7). Bound in similar dark leather, the most notable feature is the identical outer gilt ornamental border complete with arabesque decoration to inner and outer corners. The central royal escutcheon framed by arabesque tooled stamps and topped with Tudor crown on both panels is also identical.

Foot warns that “Without firm supporting archival evidence, structural or technical features by themselves cannot be used to attribute binding to a specific place or to date them, except very roughly. Small decorative hand tools, whether used in blind or impressed through gold leaf can provide firmer evidence, as the tools themselves were engraved and are therefore identifiable. Great caution must be exercised here as well, as tools were bought, sold and inherited, and only the regular occurrence of a combination or set of tools can be used to make attributions to a particular workshop”. This last comment enables us to claim that this binding is the work of the ‘Medallion Binder’. Not only are many of the tools utilised identical, but there is only 6 years between these two works. The last Medallion Binder bound work identified at auction was sold at Sotheby’s 12 March 1956 as lot 81, a Greek Bible also printed in Basel, 1545.

RED RULING

The book is red ruled throughout. The addition of ruling in medieval manuscripts was a necessity to facilitate page layouts and enable scribes to write in a straight line. It was by necessity usually the first feature to be applied to the parchment or paper before the scribal work commenced. “In printing, however, the page layout is created inside the tray that holds the movable types and any other printable (or indeed non-printable) elements in the desired layout. In other words, the ruling known from manuscripts was utterly superfluous for printed volumes. When used in printing, it was a purely decorative element applied to hark back to manuscripts of previous decades and centuries.” (St. John’s College). Carter describes the process as “a mark of distinction added, especially to a fine paper copy, from the 16th century onwards; it is rare after 1740.” (Carter). Ruling did not necessarily emanate from the publisher or binder as a passage in Samuel Pepys’ diaries talks about spending an evening treating some of his own books in this way.

Analysis here shows that the red ruling is clearly applied after printing. The ruling is identical to that on the verso of the maps, the same colour ink, same opacity, and similar method. We can also state that as the red ruling is deep into the gutter, it must have been done prior to binding. The logical conclusion is that the block of text was sent to London for binding where it was especially red ruled, possibly by the ‘Medallion Binder’, or more likely someone in his workshop. The maps were red ruled at the same time and the whole bound as one.

MARGINALIA

The book contains two items of marginalia. On page 59 is the notation “contra et melius censet Camdenus in sua Britannia pag[ina] 108 in agro Somersetensi ponit montem Badonicum”. This translates as “Camden thinks against [this] and better in his Britannia, page 108, he places Mount Badon in Somerset.” The reference is certainly found in the first edition of William Camden’s Britannia published in 1586.

In the margin of page 119 is the word “concubinas” referencing the nearby underlined printed word “uxores” meaning wives or spouses. ‘Concubinas’ was a synonym of ‘uxores’ which today has a dissimilar meaning.

The reference to William Camden clearly rules out a hand contemporary with the date of the book. Their identity has not been confirmed but may be the hand of Sir John Fortescue of Salden (1533-1607). Sir John was a close friend of William Camden. Indeed, Fortescue’s funeral “was arranged and directed” by Camden (Clermont) for whom it was postponed six months so that he could recover from a broken leg suffered falling from a horse (Moseley & Sgroi).

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

The deep-rooted need for Henry VIII (1491-1547) to have a legitimate male heir drove some of the most seismic events of the Tudor era. His first marriage to Katherine of Aragon (1485-1536) provided a male child, Henry, in 1511 who died within 8 weeks of birth, and a daughter, the future Queen Mary I. By the late 1520s Henry had fallen for Anne Boleyn (c.1500-36). In 1527 a papal dispensation was applied for to annul the marriage. The Pope, not wishing to offend Katherine’s nephew, the Emperor Charles V, delayed.

With the support of his chief minister Thomas Cromwell, and the Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Cranmer, Henry VIII broke from Rome. The Acts of Supremacy passed in 1534 recognised Henry VIII as the head of the Church of England. The Pope excommunicated Henry VIII on 17 December 1538. One of the key consequences of this was the dissolution of the English monasteries whose vast wealth began flowing into the king’s coffers. Feeling more threatened by the continent, Henry spent the financial proceeds on a series of coastal defences. So began a vast building program which required some of the finest talents in the field, many of whom were Italian engineers and surveyors. Map-making skills flourished on the back of this, especially the production of scale maps.

Jerry Brotton has referred to the excommunication of Queen Elizabeth in 1570 as a theological Brexit and the instigator of England’s expansion overseas seeking new markets to replace those lost in Catholic Europe. We would argue that the term might also be applied to Henry VIII’s excommunication in 1538. It stimulated a defence of the realm from threatened attacks and a determination to control the neighbouring regions of Scotland and Ireland. These were inexorably tied to the creation of a national identity. The Middle Ages were a period in which the terms ‘England’ and ‘Britannia’ were conflated. Henry VIII believed in English suzerainty over Scotland and Ireland. In this context the subject matter of the book clearly lends itself to be extra illustrated with maps of the regions claimed and possessed at the time. This consolidation led to an expansion of interest overseas to seek new markets to replace those lost on the continent.

As far as the British Isles is concerned, the Tudor’s were of Welsh ancestry. Henry VIII passed the Laws in Wales Act in 1535 which incorporated the country into England. In Ireland Henry VIII increased his military presence in the region following the defeat of the Earl of Kildare in 1534. The Crown of Ireland Act of 1542 made Henry VIII its first English monarch, prior to that it had been as Lords of Ireland.

Henry VIII wished to marry his son, the future Edward VI (1537-53), to Mary, Queen of Scots (1542-87). The betrothal was sealed with the Treaty of Greenwich in 1543 when Mary was just 7 months old. Later that year the Scots repudiated the treaty and formed an alliance with France. The Scots received military help in exchange for Mary being betrothed to Francis II, the future king of France. In 1544 Henry invaded Scotland. So began about eight years of war with Scotland, later popularly named the ‘Rough Wooing’. England still possessed territory in France acquired during the Hundred Years War (1337-1453), but the Tudor period would see the end of her possessions in France.

EDWARD VI

Brought up a Protestant, Edward VI (1537-53) was just 9 years old when he ascended the throne. His father Henry VIII had set up a council of executors which early on led to the leadership of the Duke of Somerset acting as Lord Protector. The expensive war with Scotland was ended which included a withdrawal from Boulogne captured by Henry VIII, in exchange for peace. This also led to the downfall of Somerset. Leadership of the Privy Council then fell to John Dudley the Earl of Warwick (1504-53), later 1st Duke of Northumberland, and grandfather to Sir Robert Dudley, the cartographer. Edward took a keen interest in the Church of England, and his reign oversaw the cementing of the English Reformation. However, the reign of Edward VI was short as he died of tuberculosis at just fifteen years old.

LADY JANE GREY

With the impending death of Edward VI, the Duke of Northumberland moved to ensure his daughter-in-law, Lady Jane Grey (1536/7-1554) claimed the throne. Her claim came from her descent as great-granddaughter of Henry VII, grandniece to Henry VIII and cousin to Edward VI, Mary I, and Elizabeth I. Edward named her as successor partly because Mary was a devout Catholic and Jane was a committed Protestant. Her half-sisters, Mary and Elizabeth, were removed from the line of succession based on their illegitimacy. Whilst awaiting coronation, support for Mary grew rapidly, and nine days after Edward’s death, she was deposed. Initially spared, she was executed along with her husband in 1554.

MARY I

With the Privy Council behind her and a wave of popular support, Mary (1516-58) became the first recognised Queen of England. She was in a difficult position. Unmarried at 37 years old, she needed to produce an heir to secure the Catholic future of England as the next in line was her protestant half-sister Elizabeth. The consensus was that she should not marry a foreigner as that could lead to interference with the throne. One of those candidates was the Cardinal Reginald Pole. Charles V, the King of Spain, proposed the advantages of a marriage to his son Philip (1527-98), later Philip II. Mary was convinced by the argument put forward and the security if afforded England.

The impending marriage was unpopular and led to Wyatt’s rebellion amongst others. Fear of the Spanish, and particularly an Inquisition held against Protestants, drove much of it. Mary set about restoring Catholicism to England, but she did not live long enough to oversee it. Queen Mary’s sobriquet became ‘Bloody Mary’, reflecting her persecution of over 300 protestants whom she burned at the stake. However, Henry VIII also persecuted religious dissenters, as did her successor Elizabeth I.

Mary extended the Tudor conquest of Ireland founding Queen’s and King’s County’s. Philip became King of Spain early in 1556. The following year he attempted to bring England into war against France. After initial success at Saint Quentin, England lost Calais in January 1558, her last remaining possession. It was a major shock to the Queen and country. Mary’s marriage had failed to produce children; indeed, she suffered from phantom pregnancies. The country had suffered poor harvests for some years and the alliance with Spain had not brought with it the wealth it gained from the New World. The Privy Council encouraged opportunities to seek trade elsewhere. The Muscovy Company was founded and an increased interest in the world of trade led to an increased interest in cartography. She commissioned a lavish world atlas from Diogo Homem which survives today in the British Library.

In Scotland following the death of James V (1512-42), the Earl of Arran became regent as the young Mary, Queen of Scots was just 6 days old! James’ widow, Mary of Guise (1515-60) was formally named regent of Scotland in 1554 and set about forming alliances with France. It was her brother the second Duc de Guise who captured Calais from the English in January 1558. The independence of Scotland was safeguarded by Mary, Queen of Scots marriage to the French dauphin, later Francois II (1544-60) on 24 April 1558.

COMMISSION AND CARTOGRAPHER

Harvey stated that “Every map had two parents, the map-maker who drew it and the customer or patron who commissioned it and paid for it”. We have been unable to identify any direct evidence of who either of these two parties might be. It is safe to say, except for Philip II of Spain, that this is unlikely to have been a commission from abroad. If it was commissioned by someone else for the Queen, then it would likely have been made as part of the traditional New Year’s gift to Queen Mary. The chronicler Matthew Paris stated that it had been customary to make gifts to the sovereign since at least the thirteenth century. We are accustomed today to make these gifts on Christmas Day but historically that day was a religious affair. Gifts were reserved for New Year’s Day. At court, they were made in public and recorded on rolls. Unfortunately, only one survives from Queen Mary’s reign, that for 1556/7.

If it was a New Year’s gift, it was made in March 1558. There is an argument that the fact the cartouche on the Ireland is blank, indicates that it was not completed before the Queen’s death in November 1558. Against that is the fact that Calais was lost in January 1558 and not only would the map have been out of date, but once the loss was recognised within a few short months, reminding the Queen of its loss would not have been desirable.

If it was a gift, it required access to the latest information. That would suggest someone of rank and influence. The fact that Ireland was apparently bound before that of England leads us to believe that it was England’s expansion ideas into Ireland and maybe Scotland and France too, that were the driver to produce these maps. If Ireland appeared first, it would give strong credence to the idea that Thomas Radcliffe, 3rd Earl of Sussex might have commissioned it. He had been appointed governor of Ireland in 1556 with specific instructions to take greater control of the island. Prior to that he had fought in France and Scotland and held a strong position at court.

The identity of the mapmaker is also undetermined so far. Analysis of handwriting and style does not lead us to any one individual. This is hampered by the fact that so many maps produced at the time are unsigned and unidentified. However, most mapmakers at the time were producing more local surveys, not so many could produce more general ones. Especially maps that clearly incorporated several different restricted access sources. John Elder had the means and opportunity to produce the maps but if he was behind Mercator’s map of 1564, the depiction of Ireland makes him unlikely to be behind these. John Rudd was similarly qualified enough to produce them; however, his focus appears to have been on England itself. Then there is the suggestion that he also might have supplied Mercator.

I believe that whoever commissioned it might well have approached the Queen’s printer John Cawood. Appointed such shortly after her accession to the throne, he was also named second in the Royal Charter of the Company of Stationers in May 1557. He was at the time the wealthiest member of the livery company and had printed the first Acts of the Parliament of Queen Mary in 1554, complete with special binding featuring her coat of arms and initials ‘M.R.’. Another senior member of the Stationers Company, named seventh on the Charter, was the mapmaker Reyner Wolfe. He was well connected at court and capable of such work. Indeed, we know that he was working on a series of provincial maps in the 1550s. He was a close friend of John Leland and likely knew or had access to many of the other latest sources.

Finally, there is the possibility that the work was the commission of the Queen herself. The nature and quality of the work would indicate that it was most likely commissioned by her. As Barber pointed out ‘there can be little doubt that dissatisfaction with the Lily map led to government support for the renewed, systematic mapping of England and Wales under Philip and Mary.’ The nature of the text and her interest in expanding England’s sphere of influence, indicate that it is possible. She certainly would have been able to reach the cartographic sources required. If so, it is only natural that she would also have approached Cawood to undertake the project.

PROVENANCE

This book and its remarkable cartographic content were until recently entirely unrecorded, until discovered by Dr Peter Leech, a specialist in the cultural history of British Catholicism. It was discovered at Bosworth Hall, Leicestershire, the family home of one of the oldest Catholic families in England. Amongst the family’s ancestors are Sir Thomas More (1478-1535) and Sir Adrian Fortescue (c.1480-1539), both executed at Tower Hill, London. More was beatified as a Roman Catholic martyr 29 December 1886 and canonised 19 May 1935. Fortescue was beatified on 13 May 1895. The book bears the ex-Libris of Francis Fortescue Turville (1752-1839) and is listed in an 1895 catalogue of items held at Bosworth Hall.

Sir Adrian Fortescue (c.1481-1539) was a cousin of Anne Boleyn (c.1500-36). His first wife was Anne Stoner, related to Cardinal Reginald Pole who was the main representative of the Pope in his manoeuvres against Henry VIII. Upon the accession of Queen Mary I in 1553 Adrian’s second wife Anne Rede (or Reade, 1510-85) of Boarstall, Buckinghamshire, was appointed a member of the royal household. She is named as one of the ladies who attended the queen in her chariot as she rode from the Tower to Westminster Abbey on 30 September 1553, the day before her coronation.

Based on cartographic evidence, the presumption is that Cecil and more specifically Laurence Nowell, did not have sight of these maps. That would indicate that the book might have been removed from such circles in or around the death of Queen Mary. This is supported by the strong Catholic allegiances of the Fortescue family. Bosworth Hall is situated just two miles from the site of the Battle of Bosworth (22 August 1485) that brought about the Tudor era when Henry VII defeated and killed Richard III. It was only in 2012 that Richard III’s remains were discovered beneath a car park in nearby Leicester. Other notable items discovered at Bosworth include a pair of “papal slippers, a rosary of Marie Antoinette, and a Book of Hours belonging to a martyred courtier (Adrian Fortescue) to King Henry VIII” (Pentin).

Provenance of the Fortescue family before and at Bosworth Hall

Sir Adrian Fortescue (c.1481-1539).

Sir John Fortescue of Salden (1533-1607), Chancellor of the Exchequer from 1589-1603. Son of Sir Adrian and Anne Rede.

Sir Francis Fortescue (1563-1624), son of the above. His wife Grace Manners (c.1563-c.1634) purchased what is now the older part of Bosworth Hall, Leicestershire, in 1632. A famous recusant.

William Fortescue m. Anne Webbe. Son of the above.

Charles Fortescue (d.1684). Son of the above.

Charles Fortescue (d.1732). Son of the above.

Maria Alethea Fortescue (d.1763). Daughter of the above.

Francis Fortescue Turville (1752-1839). Mary Fortescue was his great aunt. Spent his early life in France.

George Francis Turville (d.1859). Son of the above.

Sir Francis Turville (d.1881) and sister Mary Fortescue-Turville (?-1907). Children of the above.

Oswald Turville-Petre (d.1941) and Margaret (née Cave). Cousin of the above.

Alethea and Major David Turville-Constable-Maxwell (1904-85). Daughter of the above.

Robert Turville-Constable-Maxwell (1933-). Son of the above.

CONTEMPORARY FAMILY MEMBERS

The earliest ownership evidence we have is the presence of the bookplate of Francis Fortescue Turville (1752-1839) pasted inside the upper cover of the book. It is almost certain that the book was rebound at his request. He was educated in France and continued to spend much of his time there. He married Barbara Talbot (sister to the Earl of Shrewsbury) and lived for a while in Nancy between 1784-89 until taking up residence back at Bosworth in 1790, most likely because of the French Revolution.

The death of a monarch at the time of the Tudor’s was nothing like the choreographed events we see today. Barber writes that “Following Henry’s death the contents of his private library suffered from extensive pilfering by courtiers and ministers. John Dudley, Earl of Warwick and later Duke of Northumberland and the Earl of Arundel came into possession of relatively accurate plans of Scottish ports and fortresses and probably also of other maps of which they commissioned copies”. There is no reason to think the same did not occur on the death of Queen Mary. So how might it have ended up in the Fortescue family. The following are key individuals in the family at the time.

SIR JOHN FORTESCUE (1533-1607)

Son of Sir Adrian Fortescue (c.1481-1539) who was executed at Tower Hill as an alleged traitor and beatified in 1895 by the Pope. His mother was Sir Adrian’s second wife, Anne Rede (1510-85). Clermont states that he excelled at Lain and Greek. His father’s estate was returned to him in 1551 following an Act of Parliament. He entered the household of Princess Elizabeth about 1555 as her preceptor (tutor) assisting his father-in-law Sir Thomas Parry (b. in or before 1515-60) who had been managing her affairs since the late 1540s. On Elizabeth’s accession Parry was appointed comptroller and member of the privy council. In 1559 Fortescue was named keeper of the great wardrobe which he retained until his death. This involved caring for royal garments and state documents.

His loyal service was rewarded in 1588 with his appointment to the privy council. From 1589 to 1603 he was under treasurer and chancellor of the exchequer. He was a close friend of Sir Thomas Bodley and donated many manuscripts and books to his library. He gave twelve books to Sir Thomas Bodley in 1601, at least two were from the royal library including one bound with Mary’s arms now in the Bodleian Library. Fortescue received many important books from Elizabeth, including at least one extremely important one that he gave to Sir Robert Cotton (1571-1631). Known as the Cotton Genesis, it is a 5th to 6th century illuminated manuscript of the Book of Genesis in Greek, though probably produced in Egypt. Fortescue’s concern was “consulens posteritati” (posterity). Cotton considered it one of his greatest books. Carley describes Fortescue as a “book collector”.

SIR ANTHONY FORTESCUE (c.1535-in or after 1611)

A younger brother of Sir John Fortescue. He married Katherine Pole, a daughter of Sir Geoffrey Pole (d.1558) who was the brother of Cardinal Reginald Pole (1500-58). Sir Anthony Fortescue was a catholic conspirator who in 1562 conspired against Elizabeth in a plot to instal Mary Queen of Scots on the English throne. Tried and convicted of high treason in 1563 he was imprisoned in the tower and managed to escape execution. A tantalising statement is made in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography: “Apparently, he was alive in 1611 when his brother Thomas died; Thomas’s will of 10 May 1608 stated “that all suche plate, househould stuffe, and bookes as are belonginge unto Anthony Fortescue my brother, be safely kept, and delyvered to the use of my said brother”.”

SIR FRANCIS FORTESCUE (1563-1649)

He was the son of Sir John Fortescue above and married Grace Manners (c.1563-c.1634). Both were famous recusants. In 1632 his widow purchased what is now the older part of Bosworth Hall, Leicestershire.

ANNE REDE (1510-85)

We first here of Anne Rede in connection with Queen Mary about 1525 when she is listed as a lady in waiting to the young princess. The controller of the princess’ household was Sir Giles Greville (1468-1528) who would become her first husband in April 1527, just before his death in 1528. She married her second husband Sir Adrian Fortescue in 1530 or 1531 with whom she had three sons and two daughters. Her third husband was Thomas Parry (b. in or before 1515-60) in 1539 or 1540. Parry entered the service of princess Elizabeth by 1548 and was her cofferer, a treasurer of the royal household. His sister was Blanch Parry, Elizabeth’s closest friend and Lady of her Privy Chamber. Through the auspices of her husband, she retained a position with Queen Elizabeth as a lady of the privy chamber. She was retired from court in 1566.

SIR THOMAS PARRY (b. in or before 1515-60)

He married Anne Rede above in 1539 or 1540 and by 1548 was in the service of Princess Elizabeth as her cofferer. He became entangled in the Thomas Seymour affair in 1548 and again lost position manoeuvring for a marriage between Elizabeth and Lord Robert Dudley. By 1559 however, William Cecil was gaining significant influence. Parry was considered by the Spanish ambassador to be “not so good a Catholic as he should be, he is the most reasonable of those near the queen”.

HYPOTHESIS

It would appear most likely that it came to the Fortescue family through the auspices of Sir John Fortescue (1533-1607). We do know that some at least of Queen Mary’s books passed to Elizabeth. Most likely as a gift, as we know Elizabeth I presented him with several books. He was a keen book collector and liked to see them preserved. It has been suggested that it might have been at the hands of Anne Rede. She was certainly close enough to both Queen Mary and Elizabeth. However, she is unlikely to have been gifted it and would have had to take it.

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